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Special Issue October
2008: Central American gangs
Gang viole=
nce is a
major problem in Central America, especially in
Gang viole=
nce
certainly threatens the lives and overall well-being of the population. Sti=
ll,
the effects are much worse for the gang members: Life expectancy of a marero is extremely low. Often they die before=
they
are 18. Victims of mara aggressions are
predominantly other gang members. Rivalry and acts of revenge between the t=
wo
major maras – Mara =
Salvatrucha
and Mara 18 – cause high numbers of casualties. Gang members regard rival
killing and the neighborhood protection of thei=
r neighborhoods and homies<=
/span>
as their duty and honor.
Adequate
statistics on exactly what percent of criminal activity in these countries =
can
be ascribed to youth gangs do not exist. Yet, they are blamed for a large
portion of crime, including violent acts committed by other aggressors. Pol=
iticians
tend to place a large amount of emphasis on the problem while the mass media
fill programs with sensationalized reproductions of violent events. The res=
ult
is widespread panic that has drastic effects on the everyday life.
Trans-national network
Crime itse=
lf is a
fundamental problem: Its perception, however, worsens the situation. Discus=
sions
about crime combine media reports, personal and second-hand experience. The
escalation of violence and its perception has profoundly harmed the foundat=
ion
of society. Public places are avoided, and those who can afford to, live in
gated communities and heavily protected houses. Public confidence in democr=
acy
is low. Democratic political culture and, as a consequence, integration and
participation of all citizens can barely evolve. In addition, internal
instability impedes foreign investment and the overall economic climate.
The reason=
s for
the existence of Central American youth gangs are as wide-ranging as their
impact on social life. Mara Salvatrucha and Mar=
a 18
were originally founded in
Maras are attractive to children and teenagers for
different reasons. Hopelessness and lack of opportunities, which many Centr=
al
American adolescents face, are just two. Combined with a longing for
acceptance, respect and belonging, maras=
might
appear as an attractive alternative. Youth gangs offer a strong social netw=
ork
and solidarity – including capital punishment when this solidarity is viola=
ted.
Identifica=
tion
with the mara is very high among its mem=
bers. Brutal
initiation rituals, symbols like tattoos, dog tags, slang vocabulary and ha=
nd
signs, as well as changing a new member's name to a marero
name contribute to this identification. The individual loses significance w=
hile
the group always comes first. This also means that leaving the gang can be
fatal.
Hence, not=
only
the effects but also the causes for the existence of <=
i>maras
can be found in Central American societies. Maras=
i>
are not a direct result of poverty; mareros do
not steal to eat. Neither are they a direct result of the political regime;=
maras are not guerilla
groups planning a coup d’état. The criminal act is the end in itself. Thus,=
it
can be considered as an indirect effect of poverty and the political regime:
the lack of education, opportunities and social advancement are to some ext=
ent
responsible for the attraction of the youth gangs. While this cannot be
considered a unique Central American phenomenon, causes and effects are very
drastic in this region.
=
No sustainable policies
Central Am=
erican
governments seem to be unable to cope with maras.
Political response has been almost exclusively repressive. Although there h=
ave
been some short term decreases in violence, the policies do not contribute =
to
any sustainable solution. On the contrary, the governments forgo fundamental
principles of rule of law and human rights while ma=
no
dura, the strong hand, misses the mark. Mil=
itary
forces are deployed inside the cities. Together with the police, they detain
suspected mara members without any evide=
nce. A
tattoo may be a sufficient reason to identify gang membership, which itself=
is
considered a crime.
Prisons are
internally controlled by gangs while crime and recruitment continue outside=
. In
addition to official repressive policies, vigilantism is common, along with
drive-by shootings of suspected gang members in mar=
a-dominated
neighborhoods. These cases of random executions=
are
hardly ever solved. It is uncertain if and how these death squads are linke=
d to
official powers.
Support for
repressive policies is not hard to find in a scared population. For years,
elections have been won on "zero tolerance" campaigns. Yet, as a
reaction to the failing mano dura-policies, new initiatives have been introduc=
ed
such as intervention and prevention strategies. However, other developments
such as the reinstitution of the death penalty in
It remains=
to be
seen if new policy initiatives will be successfully implemented. Prevention
strategies, social rehabilitation efforts and long term structural and soci=
al
reforms must follow from the recognition that youth gangs are more than a
security threat.
=
Resources
on Central American gangs
Official perspective
Committee on Hemispheric Security<=
/a>
The Committee on Hemispheric Security of the Permanent Council of the
Organization of American States highlights issues concerning gangs involved in criminal
activities. Resolutions and Special Meeting documents are
available on the website.
United Nations Development Programme (UND=
P)
UNDP is the UN's global development network and has offices in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. The UNDP carries out
projects and studies on violence.
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime =
(UNODC)
UNODC conducts research and projects in
=
Academic
perspective
Institute of Latin American =
Studies
(ILAS)
ILAS, part of the German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), analy=
zes
political, economic and social development processes in Latin America and t=
he
Inforpress Centro=
americana
Inforpress Centroamericana=
offers weekly news and analysis of trends and events throughout
Latinnews.com
Latinnews.com is a subscribers-only source of political, strategic, economic
and business intelligence on
Latinob=
árometro
Latinobárometro carries out an annual public op=
inion
survey in 18 Latin American countries. The organization offers data, analys=
is
and publications.
Revista Quórum=
The Revista Quórum =
is an Iberoamerican social science journal. Central American
youth gangs are discussed in the 16th edition.
Universidad Centroam=
ericana
"José Simeón Cañas"
(UCA)
The Universidad Centroamericana "José Simeón Cañas" (UCA) =
and its Instituto Univer=
sitario
de Opinión Pública<=
/span> (IUDOP) i=
n
=
Private
perspective
Amnesty International (AI)
AI highlights the failings of Central American governments and societies on
human rights issues.
América=
Central, by Fried=
rich
Ebert Foundation
Projects on “Seguridad Ciu=
dadana”
are key activities of the Friedrich Ebert Founda=
tion,
a German political foundation in
Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA<=
span
class=3DGramE>)
WOLA aims to promote human rights, democracy and social and economic justic=
e in
Latin America and the
Commentaries
A new UN body tries to fix a=
broken
justice system, by The Economist
The 19 March 2008 article describes the malfunctioning of the Guatemalan
justice system.
Centroa=
mérica, sitia=
da entre el crimen y la repr=
ession, by El País
This article by Juan José Dalton in El País on =
14
April 2008 outlines the problem of mara =
crime
in
How the Street Gangs Took Ce=
ntral
America, by Foreign Affairs
This article by Ana Arana in Foreign Affairs Ma=
y/June
2005 presents an overview of the Central American gang problem being an
US-import.
=
For more r=
esources
on Central American gangs visit the ISN website.
<= o:p>